They wont be forgotten. The disobedient act.
The war in El Salvador (1980-1992) was one the cruelest and unrelentingly severe war of Latin America with 75,000 death, 30,000 disappeared, and 12,000 disabled war veterans.
Origens
Marti finished college with distinction. As the son of wealthy parents, it opened prospects for university education. Marti is admitted to the university. Marti enrolled against the Government, it was a desperate time for students. Professors, feel obliged to educate young people in a spirit of obedience and order. In the first few months of training young Marti has become one of the most radical leaders of the student movement. Classmates remember this episode: One of the elderly lectures, but an influential professor told that the violators of law must be put into place, adding that the student Marti have to understand, transparently hinting that he was the son of a rich landowner and must to protect the government supporting the landowners. Marti was livid with rage for the remark, he stood up and shouted: "Have you ever been in the village, have you seen peasants and their children dying of starvation and disease?! I saw. And many times. What a village! Look how many poor people in the capital. The Government does nothing for the people. Needless to say, after this episode professors learnt to respect Marti because he has become a constant struggle with professors. The university did everything to spell him from the university.
The student years pass to the young Marti, and he gets "Manifesto of the Communist Party" and some writings of Lenin. It marked the prelude to hell and Marti begins a daring long and painful rethinking about his beliefs and objectives. Ironically, the authorities themselves have helped forge Marti's revolutionary future.
It was February 20th, 1920 in a park named Bolivar, in San Salvador; a secret meeting of progressive young people of Guatemala and El Salvador. The police broke into the park, and twenty people were arrested; Farabundo Marti was found among them. It sparked in the capital massive anti-government demonstrations, demanding the release of young political prisoners. Under pressure from the public, the civil liberties are returned to the students, but authorities refused to release Jose Luis Barrientos under the argument that he was responsible. In protest against the illegal arrest of his friend, Farabundo Marti refused to withdraw from the camera and said that he will come out of prison only when Barrientos is liberated. Soon, both are sent to Guatemala.
Augusto Farabundo Marti - the son of a rich landowner, a student at the Faculty of Law at a elite university - becoming a professional revolutionary, ahead of which thirteen years, desperate revolutionary struggle, thirteen years of wandering and courage.
In Guatemala, Farabundo had a sister, she took his brother who has no money; but under the weight of his burden he leaves his sister's house to return to El Salvador where he found a job at a factory, then - on a sugar cane field, where he led a Marxist propaganda, and also organized a massive intervention with the cattle workers. Someone told the police, and Marti barely managed to escape. The young rebel, discussed with natives about their own lives and problems in rural areas. He was seen as a mad man, but it was not a long time until the natives sense the words and ideas Marti. Once he told them about the native Chief Anastasio Aquino, who rebelled against the landlords in 1833, who put forward the slogan of "Land for those who handle it." Soon, those who were uncomplaining, began to rebuff guards and put forward economic demands. Marti learned that authorities already decided to arrest him, and fled to Mexico. Here he meets with the leadership of the Mexican Communist Party.
In 1923, Marti returned to Guatemala, where he took part in creating the Central American Communist Party. Marti became a known figure throughout Latin America - In 1925 the Guatemalan government sends Marti back to El Salvador. This time, the government immediately knew what Marti was made of once they faced the return of the young revolutionary, so no special ceremonies were set to extricate themselves from the presence of Marti, by sending him to Nicaragua. Farabundo almost immediately smuggled back to his homeland.
One night he comes to his parent's house, a mother weeping bitterly, the father sees the hands of his son: they are in the hands of laborers. Farabundo Marti stayed just two days at home, and now he is heading to the city of San Salvador - the center of the workers' movement.
The country had widely deployed the struggle of the removal of the bourgeois clique's power. The workers go on strike, rebelled soldiers and junior officers in the army, youth and women went out into the streets. During several demonstrations in February 1921 and in December 1922 the National Guard is against the demonstrant young people. Machine guns shots are heard and the demonstration dispersed, and those who have been injured and were unable to escape, are finished off with bayonets. The ones arrested are terribly tortured.
In 1924 was established by the Regional Federation of Workers of El Salvador, RFTS - who subsequently joined the Red International of Trade Unions. Shortly after his arrival to his home land, Marti has become one of the leaders of RFTS. Despite the fact that Marti was considered a poor speaker, he became one of the most prominent advocates of revolutionary ideas, and the bearer of changes in the country. It was during this period of dark skin color he gets from close friends the nickname "Negro Marti"
In 1926, with the active participation of Marti was created "Section Antiimperialistic League of America"
In 1927, came to power Pio Romero Bosque who held several progressive reforms.
In 1928, Marti decided to visit the headquarters of the anti-imperialist league headquarters in New York. As soon as he entered the building, the police arrested everyone who was there. After several interrogations Marti is released.
In 1927 the U.S. carried out the third account of aggression against the people of Nicaragua, to save his surrogate President Diaz. Many join the fight against the Yankee, and all of Latin America have begun to flow with volunteers. Farabundo Marti and a group of Salvadorean revolutionaries set themselves to defend Nicaragua in the Army defenders of national independence of Nicaragua, where General Augusto Cesar Sandino instructs Marтi the lead in establishing international contacts. It became a broad international campaign in support of the people of Nicaragua.
Marti in Mexico began to Bulletin based upon information received from the Sandinistas, in Honduras progressive poet Frolan Tursios began to publish the newspaper "Ariel", which organized fund-raising for the Sandinistas. Marti took care of and links with Europe, where demonstrations of solidarity in defense of Sandino were made by Henri Barbyus - a distinguished French writer.
In the forbidding mountains of Nicaraguan, Marti passionately falls in love with Teresita, one of the most courageous fighters. Once, Teresita left with a group of fighters for an exploration and they returned, then Marti found out that it issued a provocateur, she was captured and tortured, a few days later she was shot down by U.S. Marine Corps officers.
For courage in fighting Marti earned the rank of colonel.
Sandino and Marti are sent to Mexico to obtain weapons of war, but they can not agree, and difference in belief occurs between them. Marti goes back home to El Salvador.
El Salvador is plagued by hunger and poverty, the masses are beginning to wake up from stagnation.
In March 28, 1930 was established the Communist Party of El Salvador PCS. Founding Congress of the party took place in a secret location in a forest on the shores of Lake Ilopango.
On December 12, 1930 Marti and dozens of Persons of the Revolutionary Movement were arrested. It is the beginning of a hunger strike throughout the country, starting riots everywhere. In response, the authorities offered Marti to leave the country voluntarily, but he did not take it.
On December 12, 1930, Farabundo Mari was forcibly mounted on the vessel "Venezuela", the captain was ordered to plant Marti in San Pedro California. However much the captain of the ship try to take him off board, Marti refused to leave the ship. The port police managed to take him on board of another ship, the "Columbia", which delivers him to the port of Corinto, Nicaragua. As soon as Marti goes ashore, in some mysterious way he is on board of the "Columbia" once more, coming home in El Salvador.
Presidential elections are on the way, and the PCS decides to take into account the bitter experience of participating in the elections and decides to boycott them, as obviously false. Arturo Araujo becomes president. Araujo's credibility with the poor and members of the Liberal Party is lost after the elections. All of Araujo's promises are unrealized. The popular anger increased in intensity.
March 20, 1931. Marti once again falls into the hands of the police and is put behind bars. In pяison he announces hunger strike and shortly after he is taken to a Hospital. The twenty-seventh day hunger strike puts the government under pressure by the sympathizers who demand his prompt release. The country has ignited peasant revolts against unarmed villagers, and Marti calls for a meeting with the president Arturo Araujo.
The meeting with Araujo is conceded. Araujo listened and agreed to freed Farabundo Marti, and as soon Marti leaves from the palace nearest exit he was immediately arrested by the police and deported to Guatemala.
The country was dissatisfied with the government of Araujo. The score was settled when young military officers removed Araujo's power in a military coup, and came to power a regime terrorist ruled by General Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez. Ironically, those young officers are sent to exile.
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of El Salvador has made attempts to settle negotiations with the new regime. They are ignored, their efforts are in vain, nothing happened. Members of the Central Committee of the workers suggested a rebellion against the government, but it was not favoured by all of its members. After long deliberations the motion had taken a course in the armed insurrection.
Marti headed all the preparations for the revolutionary masses statement, but the authorities learned of the plans and many sympathetic revolutionaries soldiers and officers are arrested. On the night of the 18 to 19 of January the three principal organizer of the uprising Marti, Luna and Zapata are arrested.
January 22, 1932. 12 am is the beginning of the uprising. The goverment forces are well armed by the United States. The carnage begins with Martinez orders. The people lost and in a matter of a few days 30.000 lives are wasted. Hundreds of thousands were left maimed, a huge number of orphans has filled the cities of Sonsonate, Ahuachapan, Santa Ana and San Salvador.
The organizers of the uprising Farabundo Marti, Alfonso Luna and Mario Zapata were subjected to "trial", the sentence read out 31 January, 1932: "The death penalty". January 1st, three prisoners were taken to the place of execution, they refused to a confess priest and asked not blindfold to face the firing squad. Farabundo Marti was 39 years old at the time of his death.
If history is not a pen to write, it should be a bayonet!
Farabundo Marti. 
Some historians estimate 40.000 as the number of the people killed during the peasants uprising in El Salvador, country that at the time of the events scarcely had a population of one an a half million of people. It was the climax of a struggle between peasants and land owners.
The uprising was suppressed by the government, then led by general Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez. The government's army was superior in terms of weapons and soldiers, proceed execute anyone who stood their way.
Maximiliano Hernandez, in a swift intent to eradicate the indigenous people, invited those involved in the uprising to an open dialogue. All the peasants gathered for the dialogue were indiscriminately killed by the army.
The president Maximiliano Hernandez, persecuted the natives for their affiliation to the Communist party, and seek social vindication, but the price to pay for a reform was immensely costly. The climax of those events was the annihilation of 30.000 natives and ladinos (persons of mixed race).
Martinez government was despotic and tyrannical as few. He had at his service the "orejas" (ears) who were voluntary servile to him. The orejas brought any information they believed could be of interest. Martinez was a cold blooded killer. Torture and exile was not enough, so he became popular with "La ley fuga" (law of flight), coward method he used to eliminate anyone he did not like. Constitutional freedoms were violated. The press and liberty of speech was censored, and the University of El Salvador lost its autonomy.
I remember my father saying about general Maximiliano Martinez: "Martinez was racist and a ruthless dictator. He was a coward that allowed any prisoner to escape under the called "ley fuga". He also killed any opposing militar officer. Innocent people died that way. I rejoined the Escuela de Cabos y Sargentos - "School of sargaents", lead by militars opposing Martinez.
So, rejoining the "Escuela de cabos y sargentos" was a intent to overthrown general Martinez. The new recruits were trained and equipped for combat.
On April 2nd, 1944 the new soldiers were sent to battle. The Air force and Infantry was led by Domingo de Ramos, Adolfo Marroquin and Tito Calvo. We were able to take under our control the 5th brigade of infantry, Ilopango's Air Base, and other bases that I can not recall right now.
The bloody clashes lasted until April 4, when loyal forces to Hernandez Martinez overcome the rebels in a ambush in San Andres. General Adolfo Marroquin surrender and was killed together with Domingo de Ramos, and Tito Calvo. Also, sixteen high officials and two civilians were executed before a firing squad the day after, under the charges of rebellion and sedition.
May 2nd, was the beginning of a general strike with the occupation of the central train station. The strike was organized and led by university students. The strike was favoured by the majority of civilians all over the nation that joined the Strike. The National and International pressure was felt by the powers.
Martinez ruled dictatorially until he was ousted by the general strike which erupted after his bloody suppression of the army uprising in 1944. The strike was more powerful than the failed military upraising a few weeks before.
In the evening of May 9, 1944, general Maximiliano Martinez in a radio communicate announced that he has designated as president from El Salvador to general Andres Ignacio Menendez.
Martinez finished his tour with the following words: "No creo en la historia porque la historia es escrita por hombres, y cada hombre tiene su pasion favorable o desfaborable. Y mi conciencia me dice que he cumplido con mi deber" "I do not believe in History because history is written by men, and each men has his favourable or disfavourable passion. And my conscious is telling me that I have met my duty
The power fall in the hands of General Andres Ignacio Melendez on May 09, 1944. He was overthrown in October 20, 1944 by a military coup led by Col. Osmin Aguirre y Salinas and exiled to Guatemala.
In the exile in Honduras, general Maximiliano Martinez was assassinated by his bodyguard Cipriano Morales, who stabed him to death 17 times in 1966. Martinez' body was found two days after his assassination. Cipriano Morales, surrender himself before authorities from El Salvador and was comdemned to 30 years in prison. At the time of his arrest, Cipriano Morales said: "It is done. All the inocent people from El Salvador has been vindicated"
The remains of Martinez were taken to El Salvador were he was buried with honors deserved only to presidents.
It was the end of a henchman, and for us as our wages for the participation of the military coup to overthrown general Maximiliano Martinez, was to be sent to exile by the new president in power General Andres Ignacio Melendez. This action was as a response to the fear of being overthrown by us."
Curiosities about general Maximiliano Martinez.
Martinez was involved in occultism, and held sessions of witchcraft in his home. It is told that the country had an epidemic outbreak of influenza, and Martinez gave the order to cover the streets lights with red cellophane in his false belief that the red light would cleanse the environment, and the disease would just vanish. He had remedies for everything.
He said: It is beneficial that children walk barefoot, so they can benefit from the earth's energies. Plants and animals do not wear shoes. Another Martinez' quote is: "It is a bigger crime to kill an ant than a human being, because men have an immortal soul while ants die forever".
Wow, I only wonder if Martinez was a vegetarian... since nowadays People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) consider humans as inferior beings in comparison with animals.
My grandma told me the following anecdote about general Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez: "Before Martinez became president, he went to see a witch from Izalco, and asked her (I forgot the name of the seer) about if he will be the next president from El Salvador. The woman foretold that indeed he will become the next president from El Salvador. Time went by, and General Martinez became president. A few years after, Maximiliano Martinez went back to see the marchanta and told her to ask anything from him since her augurs are of good fortune. The marchanta had only one request from him, and it was to have a picture of her printed in the five Colones bank notes. Her wish was granted".
Guess what, I was right with my hunch!. On doing some research I found out that general Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez was vegetarian and also a theosophist who believed in reincarnation, and also engaged in occult practices with a circle of close friends. These facts make me wonder what exactly is the relation o connection with the massacre of 1932 since there is the belief that the Pipils from Izalco are the best at occult practices. This is how I come up with the presumption that is was more of a bitter feud among the native Pipil people and Maximiliano Martinez. This is why Izalco in Sonsonate is nationaly known as La ciudad de los brujos - Izalco, city of warlocks
Maximiliano Hernández Martínez.
Oral descriptions of the events of the uprising of 1932 does not match the description of the records written by governmental writers shortly after the massacre, since those records were written with the stigma of the social activities of the peasants.
It is understood by a grat majority, as an occurrence having it roots in the fact of the exploitation and denigration social of the people Nahuatl Pipil from Izalco, El Salvador.
mouseover
Jose Feliciano Ama, comander of the indigenous people. He was of the most destacated commanders of the 1932 peasant uprising also known as La matanza "The Slaughter".
Jose Feliciano Ama, spiritual master, leader and cacique of the Nahuatl-Pipil indigenous peasants of Izalco.
AMA – The memory of time, a 63 minute documentary based in the life of Jose Feliciano Ama, has been produced by Daniel Flores y Ascencio. With this film, Ascencio portrays the life of Jose Feliciano Ama as a historic debt to the Ama family and the indigenous peasants massacred in 1932. Don Juan Ama, tells us his version of the events of 1932 to clear his uncle’s name and restore the Ama's family dignity.
The above image angers me, since the authorities took Francisco Sanchez to all the circumvent cities and towns as if it was a freak show. By doing this, the authorities tried to convey a message to the people; it was something like that: "Do it again and you'll face his fate".
The native leaders of this uprising Francisco Sanchez and Jose Feliciano Ama didn't see their dream being materializad, but instead the Caciques Sanchez and Ama were hung, while Farabundo Marti and the university students Alfonso Luna y Mario Zapata were executed by a firing squad.
Historical records of the uprising and massacre were eliminated from libraries and newspapers. A piece of history is lost forever and replaced with the account of Maximiliano Martinez as the hero saving the Salvadorean people from communists and bellicose natives. This false belief was used to justify a social genocide.
To avoid further violence and in fear, members of the Pipil indigenous group generally severed their ties to their culture, by not speaking their Nahuatl language in public places as well as intermarrying with members of non native people. The men gave up their 'cotón and calzoncillo', both elaborated in white cotton 'manta', and the women their 'refajo', a multi-coloured skirt elaborated with a blue cloth, or nacre refajada and arrested with a knot made with the same fabric (refajo) and a strip of 'manta' or 'cambrai' three rods to close, adopting Western dress and the Spanish language instead of their indigenous Pipil or Nahuatl. Many of their traditions and customs were lost. The Nahuatl language is rarely spoken, and only a few elders speak it in the Departamentos "Provinces' of Sonsonate and Ahuachapan, were the great majority of Nahuatl speakers are concentrated in Cuisnahuat, Santo Domingo, Izalco, Nahuizalco, Nahulingo, Chiltiupan and Tacuba.
Modesto Ramirez became the enthusiastic fighter that even his 56 years weren't a hindrance to his tenacity and dreams.
Miguel Marmol. Union activist, He cheated death in several occasions... "one night he faced a firing squad in El Matasano, Soyapango. He was left for dead by the killers and he was only wounded. His companions died that night". On another occasion at night, he escaped the barracks of the Ilopango base. The same night, the base was destroyed by an earthquaque killing all the officers and soldiers died under the rubble. This time the providence of nature was on his side. He was wounded but alive.
Miguel Marmol believed in "spirits," and, as a youngster, joined the National Guard. Miguel did not become a soldier, but a worker in a shoe factory and one of the founding members of the Salvadorean Communist Party.
Roque Dalton Dalton wrote: "Comrade Mármol is the prototypical incarnation of the Latin American communist worker and peasant leader of what is usually called 'the classical period,' 'the heroic era,' of the parties that … sprang up and developed in nearly every country on the continent."
Red Humor
The teacher asked the children to
give examples of cycles in nature.
Valentina:
- Day and night;
Tatyana:
- Tide, ebb;
Vovochka:
- Putin, Medvedev.
The Raising of a Clandestine Society
"The Group" was created on December 24, 1969. It was the idea of a group of young university students. They gathered at the National University's Faculty of Law. Ten was the number of the gathered, and their vision was to bring the revolutionary war to the country. The Group had the full support of Fabio Castillo, Director of the University of El Salvador.
The most known members of these organization were Alejandro Rivas Mira, Lil Milagro Ramirez, Joaquin Villalobos, Ana Guadalupe Martinez, Angelica Meardi, Ricardo Sol, Carlos Menjivar, Eduardo Sancho Castañeda, Alejandro Rivas Mira.
The first armed action that shaked EL Salvador was the kidnaping and assassination of Ernesto Regalado Dueñas, act which made headlines. It was a blow for El Grupo, the kidnaping of Ernesto Regalado unleashed brutal reprisals to its members; some fled the country, others captured, and the others were forced to stay low profile.
The year 1968 and the begining of 1969 were the decisive years in which many students and the work class began to consolidate the clandestine organizations that changed the history of EL Salvador. It was the birth of the Accion Revolucionaria Salvadoreña, ARS.
This cell was dismembered by the goberment forces, and many of its members were arrested and jailed.
In the Universidad de El Salvador University of El Salvador another gruop was formed by the year of 1970. It came to be known as Comandos Organizadores del Pueblo, COP. Among its leaders were Rafael Arce Zablah, Alejandro Rivas Mira, Guadalupe Martinez, Joaquin Villalobos, Ana Sonia Medina, and Janeth Hasbun Samour.
Those organizations were the initial stage in the development of the masses, and this brought to existence a sole organization publicaly known as Ejercito Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP of wich Alejandro Rivas Mira nom de guerre, Sebastian was military in charge of the agrupation politicaly and military.
Alejandro Rivas Mira had as objective the unification of the different armed organizations and bring them under one command, that later was known as the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos, PRTC.
Roque, followed Miguel Marmol in the arts of "resurrection"; twice he escaped a firing squad. Once, he was saved because a civil coup, the second time he walked out the army base of Cojutepeque, because a sudden and opportune earthquake damaged the walls of his cell in 1961.
27 años
Es una cosa seria
tener veintisiete años
en realidad es una
de las cosas más serias
en derredor se mueren los amigos
de la infancia ahogada
y empieza a dudar uno
de su inmortalidad.
Lil Milagro Ramirez nom de guerre, Hayde. Lil was a key member of the revolutionary struggle in El Salvador. Her ideology and revolutionary conscious made her leave the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP after the assesination of the poet Roque Dalton on May 10, 1975. The very same day Lil Milagro Ramirez founded the militar movement Resistencia Nacional, RN. with the cooperation of Ernesto Jovel, Eduardo Sancho, Julia Rodriguez and others. The armed wing of the RN was the Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia Nacional, FARN.
Adding a new dynamic to the traditional intellectual, Lil Milagro Ramírez introduces gender into the equation of radicalization. Her testimony of strength, courage, and defiance in the face of imminent tragedy is an allegory for the middle-class youth that joined the movement.
Not only did she challenge the gender roles of machismo, domesticity, and the general acquiescence of women, but she chastised anyone who did not follow their convictions. In the process, she claimed a negotiated agency, which emerged, in part, from her training in the hegemonic institution of Academia but also from her parent’s teachings. Moreover, her understanding of historical Latin American oppression and her ability to articulate this to a broader audience served as a guiding light for many who joined the revolution.
Although Ramírez was a voracious writer during the revolution, this analysis focuses on her journey to a radical consciousness, which is evident in a letter she wrote to her father in the summer of 1971.
What I owe you.
And your grandchildren will go and kiss you,
at the table you are presiding,
...and there will be an empty space...
In any street of the city,
Smiling, as always,
You will walk, as if you had no worries.
This day I have nothing else to give you
Except for a sweet memory,
Maybe these words
Maybe a far away thought,
And above all, father, let me thank you
Because you taught me to love liberty
And to respect our people,
With no doubt from your noble heart burst
This spark that now consumes me
And your proclaiming voice
Awoke my conscience
You, who were a rebel in your way
You, who knows the sacrifice of commitment,
Who suffered the violence of jails and exile,
have made me understand
-even if you don't know-
that all the sacrifice of the past
is demanding a high commitment
and in me, your renovated blood
overflows fiercely
and recognizes its destiny.
Poem written by Lil Milagro, to her father.
November 14, 1970.
Aquí me encuentro
testigo de mi misma
quedaron atrás los años fáciles
las tareas inútiles
Sin embargo,
no todo es diferente
me siguen gustando los amaneceres
y esta vieja manía de escribir
se ha hecho aún más intensa.
Traitors of their own revolution
Traidores de su misma revolucion
Ernesto Jovel nom de guerre, Roberto Roca, was the first General Secretary of the Resistencia Nacional, RN. The origins of the FARN originated inside the walls of the National University, and most of its members came from the middle class.
The FARN and PCES leaders, together with Salvadorean exiles, created the Partido Tevolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos, PRTC and recruited its members from the National University. Francisco Jovel was the General Secretary of the PRTC. Francisco Jovel had close ties to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Ernesto Jovel emerged from the worker class and soon embraced the task of founding the Salvadorean guerrilla. He was a great warfare strategist. Ernesto Jovel was the last commander to bring his armed forces under the central command of the FMLN's high officials.
Ernesto Jovel, lost his life in 1980 after an aerial accident in which the aircraft, which was never explained. Eduardo Sancho Castañeda nom de guerre, Ferman Cienfuegos became the commander of the Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia Nacional "Armed Forces of National Resistance" FARN. 
Schafik Handal nom de guerre, Simon, leader of the Comunist Party formed the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberacion, FAL. He became a political activist at an early age. At 14, he helped organize a national strike against the dictatorship of Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez. By the time he was 18 and attending the University of El Salvador, Schafik was leader of both the Democratic Students Association and the Revolutionary Students Committee there. In 1950, he joined the outlawed Communist Party of El Salvador, PCS. And as a result of his participation, was exiled in Chile from 1952 to 1956.
The PCS, began organizing its own armed wing Armed Forces of Liberation Fuerzas Armadas de Liberacion FAL. and continued with warfare activities by sending its members to training schools in Russia, Eastern Europe, and Cuba.
His brother Antonio Handal was disappeared by the Salvadorian regime on Nov. 11, 1980. And another brother, Farid Handal, PCS leader, was killed in combat in 1989.
The Ejercito Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP became publicaly known in March 2nd, 1972 after an operation were the ERP seized the weapons of the National Guards in charge of the security of the Hospital Benjamin Bloom. The principal leader was Joaquin Villalobos nom de guerre, Atilio/Rene Cruz.
Salvador Cayetano Carpio nom de guerre, Marcial. Carpio resigned as General Secretary of the Partido Comunista Salvadoreño, PCS and founded the Fuerzas Populares de Liberacion, FPL, in April of 1970.
The FPL was the largest and bloodiest group of the armed movements in the struggle to overthrow the power in the hands of the military dictatorship.
Francisco Jovel, General Secretary of the PRTC. Its armed wing was the Movimiento de Liveracion Popular MLP Movement of Popular Liberation.
The founder of the PRTC was Dr. Federico Manuel Castillo, who fought in Nicaragua. The first Secretary General of the PRTC was Dr. Fabio Castillo Figueroa who adopted a Leninist doctrine.
In 1980 the PRTC detached from its high command as a requirement to be incorporated to the FMLN since the PRTC could not be accepted under its command if the PRTC was part of a Central America organization advocating a regional revolution beyond the FMLN.
In January 1983, Francisco Jovel was appointed as the General Secretary of the PRTC.
Urban forces of the PRTC executed four US Marines and civilians sympathizers of the regime in power at an exclusive neighbourhood nown as Zona Rosa in San Salvador. The "Mardoqueo Cruz" urban commando of PRTC claimed responsibility for the attack at Chili's restaurant were the American assessors died.
Eduardo Sancho Castañeda nom de guerre, Ferman Cienfuegos. Ferman became the commander of the Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia Nacional "Armed Forces of National Resistance" FARN after the tragic death of commander Ernesto Jovel.
Enrique Alvarez Cordova was Intelligent, charismatic and his heart was with the poor.
Ignacio Ellacuria, S.J. director of the University of Central America in San Salvador.
Chronology of an infamous act.
Oscar Arnulfo Romero, known as Monseñor Romero, was a priest of the Roman Catholic Church in El Salvador. He later became prelate archbishop of San Salvador. He began speaking out on behalf of the poor and victims of the country's civil war.
In his last homily at the Cathedral of San Salvador, monsignor Romero addressed to the armed forces. His spoken words were his death sentence, and he was assassinated the day after by a sniper while consecrating the Eucharist. A bullet cut his heart on March 24, 1980 during the celebration of the Eucharist at a small chapel called "La Divina Providencia"
"It is time for you to be conscious and listen to it... In the name of God, and in the name of this suffered people whose mourning rise to heavens every tumultuous day, I beg you, I implore you, I order you in the name of God, cease the represion"
From the seventies to the time the accord of peace was signed, 12 priests including Archbishop Monsignor Romero were killed by the escuadrones de la muerte 'death squads'. 
Melida Anaya Montes nom de guerre, Ana Maria. Melida begins to organize students and formed the Revolutionary Movement of Salvadorean Students MERS, and UR19.
Melida participated in the founding of the Fuerzas Populares de Liberacion People's Forces for Liberation FPL. In the earliest eighties it was publicly known that Melida Anaya Montes, was not only leader of the teachers' union, but also the second in command of the Fuerzas Populares de Liberacion, FPL.
Melida Anaya Montes was assesinated in Managua, Nicaragua in 1983. Her death was linked to Senior guerrilla leaders who did opposed to Cayetano Carpio's ideology of fighting to the end, with the vision of the only possible ground for negotiations with the government would be with the surrender of the army.
Lilian Mercedes Letona nom de guerre, Clelia. She became a hero of the Salvadorean revolution.
Ana Guadalupe Martinez nom de guerre, Maria. Central command of the front Farabundo Marti Para la Liberacion National Farabundo Marti National Liberation, FMLN.
Marina Manzanares FMLN. Nom de guerre, Mariposa. The legendary voice of the rebel Radio Venceremos. Mariposa's messages kept the high morale of the FMLN's guerrilas that fought the Salvadoran military funded by the US Government to a pace of 2 million $US a day.
Febe Velazquez nome de guerre, Elizabeth, FMLN. One the the most motivated activist in the armed movement. She lost her life when Government forces detonated explosives at the FENASTRAS
On 31 October 1989, the bombing of FENASTRAS headquarters left 10 syndicalists dead and about 30 injured. Among the dead was the leader of Febe Velazquez. That same day, a bomb injured four people at the headquarters of the Comite de Madres de Presos Politicos, Desaparecidos y Asesinados de El Salvador.
Ana Silvia Olan, AES/UDN. She was a lively young girl when she became an activist in Sonsonate city. On July 12, 1979 Ana Silvia was kidnapped by the Government forces and sadistically tortured and killed by her executioners. Ana Silvia's body was found two days later in el potrerio La laguna en Santa Ana. Five men from the National Police were the responsables. The responsible of her death was a detective of the National Police known as "ojos de bolo."
Like Ana Silvia, many thousands choose the anonymity, believing to bring social justice to the country by putting an end to poverty and violation of the human rights.
"Dreams and ideals were truncated with violence"
Ana Silvia was a good friend.
Tony, nome de guerre Ezequiel, FMLN. He and his comrades were captured in a security house in Soyapango; they were known as the Atonalt squad. Later, he was liberated under the government's proposed amnesty. He rejoined his comrades in the battlefield. 
Nidia Diaz nom de guerre, Nidia Diaz, FMLN. She was seriously wounded and captured in combat in 1985 and taken to a carcel clandestina "clandestine jail". Her 190 day captivity became a living hell for Nidia. She said in her autobiography "I Was Never Alone: A Prison Diary From El Salvador" (Ocean Press, 1992).
Her case brought an international human rights case, but all the campain was in vain. Then, on Sept. 10, the command Pedro Pablo Castillo kidnapped Ines Guadalupe Duarte, daughter of the president Jose Napoleon Duarte. It was agreed to release Ines Guadalupe Duarte in exchange of political prisoners under the rebels forces.
Under pressure from both the left and the right wings, the release of the rebels is ordered by Duarte, and more than 23 rebels are freed in return for his daughter's freedom. In that exchange of prisoners, the high command of the FMLN also set free more than 100 government prisoners. One of the conditions for the exchange of prisoners, the FMLN demanded the release of Yaneth Samour, nom de guerre, Filomena, and her companion Maxima Garcia. They never appeared.
Sonia Aguiñada nom de guerre, Galia, FMLN. Sonia died in an ambush in the Guazapa mountain, in January 1980.
Rafael "Lito" Aguiñada, died under heavy machine gun fire in April, 1981.
Rafael Aguiñada Carranza, killed in September 26, 1975.
Marianela Garcia Villas, FMLN. Former President of the Human Rights Commission in El Salvador CDHES,and Vice-President of the Human Rights Commission for the United Nations. She was killed in 1980 by Salvadorian troops trained and armed by the U.S. government that ambushed her while she was in Suchitoto assisting hundreds of wounded civilians in a village bombarded by airplanes.
Graciela Menjivar nom de guerre, Rosa Elena, FMLN. 
Joe Sanderson, nom de guerre Lucas, FMLN, left his hometown in his 20 th with a backpack, a notepad and a dream of being a writer.
Shortly after arriving in Central America in 1979, Sanderson pulled off his most audacious feat yet: He joined a guerrilla army.
In his diary, he wrote on April 27, 1982, and described the death and burial by flashlight of a fellow rebel the night before. There was "no weeping or sadness," Sanderson wrote, just fighters inspecting the dead man's wound as if it were the "tropical bud" of a flower and checking the pockets of his bloodied pants to find "stray buttons . . . and a crumpled package of Kool-Aid".
Joe was amid leftist rebels fighting the Government troops, and he was injured when a grenade or mortar exploded nearby. He was treated in a guerrilla clinic were he died later in April 1982.
An American adventurer’s death in El Salvador.
Silvia Maribel Arriola, was a nun... "the sister with a big heart". She also was a nurse, and cared for the wounded militias at the battle front. She died in combat on January 17, 1981.
Juan Chacon. Was member of the Central Command within the FPL's National Masses Committee, became one of the 3 commanders of the BPR. He was abducted, tortured, and after a short period in captivity, executed in San Salvador.
Facundo Guardado FMLN. One of the commanders that lead the guerrillas. He was responsible of the finances of the clandestine FPL.
Staying on in El Salvador – The Truth of El Mozote.
The unknown faces of war.
1 comment:
Muy bien, hermano. Es muy necesario recordarse de la historia para no caerse otra vez en la misma.
Post a Comment